همگرایی ناتو و هند و اثرات آن بر امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران

نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی

نویسندگان

1 دانشجوی دکترای گروه جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه تهران

2 استادیار گروه جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه تهران

3 دانشیار گروه جغرافیای سیاسی دانشگاه تهران

10.22111/jsr.2020.5242

چکیده

هند در جنگ سرد، با راهبرد عدم تعهد، از رقابت ­های دو بلوک در دو سازمان امنیتی ورشو و ناتو، دور شد اما با فروپاشی شوروی و تغییر شرایط بین الملل، با فعال کردن ظرفیت های ژئوپلیتیکی خود نه ­تنها به قدرتی نو ظهور در قرن بیست و یکم تبدیل شده بلکه با راهبرد جهانی سازی، هم گرایی با قدرت ­های برتر بین المللی از جمله سازمان پیمان آتلانتیک شمالی را در دستور کار خود قرار داد. رابطه هند با ناتو و تاثیر آن بر امنیت ملی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، موضوع مقاله حاضر است و نویسندگان تلاش دارند به این پرسش پاسخ دهند که گسترش زمینه­ های همکاری هند و ناتو چه تاثیری بر امنیت ملی ایران دارد؟ با روش توصیفی تحلیلی و با استفاده از منابع کتابخانه ­ای، اینترنتی و رسانه­ای، فرضیه مقاله عبارت است از این­ که «ناتو با تقویت همکاری و شراکت راهبردی در منطقه جنوب آسیا با هند به عنوان یک قدرت نوظهور اقتصادی و تکنولوژیک، به دنبال تامین امنیت و گسترش هژمونی در این منطقه با هدف کنترل ایران و چین است». یافته ها نشان می­دهد که مشارکت ناتو و هند در سه زمینه موضوع، محیط و سطح، به طور همزمان فرصت ­ها و تهدید هایی را برای امنیت ملی ایران به دنبال دارد.

کلیدواژه‌ها


عنوان مقاله [English]

The convergence of NATO and India and its effects on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran

نویسندگان [English]

  • majid gholami 1
  • mahmoud vasegh 2
  • Mohamad Bagher Ghalibaf 3
1 PhD student of Political Geography Dept, University of Tehran
2 Assistant Professor of Political Geography Dept, University of Tehran
3 Associate Professor of Political Geography Dept, University of Tehran
چکیده [English]

 
Abstract
    During the Cold War, India adhered to the non-alignment strategy and got away from the two-bloc rivalries in Warsaw Pact and the NATO. But after the collapse of the Soviet, by activating its geopolitical capacities, this country has not only become an emerging power of the 21 century, but also by using strategy of globalization, has put convergence with international powers including NATO on its agenda. The relation of India and NATO and its impact on the national security of the Iran is the subject of the present article. The authors tried to answer this question: What is the effect of the expansion of the fields of cooperation between India and NATO on Iran’s national security? Hypothesis of the article is that by partnership with India as an emerging economic and technological power in the South Asia region, NATO is seeking security and expanding hegemony in the region with the aim of controlling Iran and China. This article has used a descriptive-analytical method. Also the authors have used library resources for data collection. The findings show that participation of NATO and India in three areas of the subject, environment and level simultaneously creates opportunities and threats for Iran’s national security.
 
Key words: NATO, India, Geopolitic, Convergence, Iran
 
 
1-     Introduction
During the Cold War, India adhered to the non-alignment strategy and got away from the two-bloc rivalries in Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). But after the collapse of the Soviet Union and change of the international environment, by activating its geopolitical capacities, this country has not only become an emerging power of the twenty-first century, but also by using strategy of globalization, has put convergence with superior international powers including NATO on its agenda. The relation of India and NATO and its impact on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran is the subject of the present article. The authors tried to answer this question: What is the effect of the expansion of the fields of cooperation between India and NATO on Iran’s national security? Hypothesis of the article is that “by strengthening of strategic cooperation and partnership in the South Asia region with India as an emerging economic and technological power, NATO is seeking security and expanding hegemony in the region with the aim of controlling Iran and China.” This article has used a descriptive-analytical method. Also the authors have used library, internet, and media resources for data collection. The findings show that participation of NATO and India in three areas of the subject, environment and level simultaneously creates opportunities and threats for Iran’s national security.
 
2- Research methodology
This is a fundamental research whose data have been collected using library and Internet resources, media, and NATO documents. The method of analysis in this research is qualitative analysis due to its descriptive-analytical nature. Theoretical framework of the research is written based on the new security concept of NATO for the second decade of the twenty-first century and the subject of convergence.
 
3. Discussion
If the relation of India and NATO is divided into three parts of the environment, level and subject, then some important dimensions of this relation will be clear that can affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The relation of India and NATO affects the environment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in far and near borders including Afghanistan, Pakistan, China, Russia and Central Asia. If close relation between India and NATO in Afghanistan provides stability and security to this country, it can be an opportunity for Iran’s national security. But at the same time promoting India’s political, economic and cultural approaches as a model of Western democracy and liberal democracy in the region will be one of the most important threats that the Islamic Republic of Iran will face with it. On the other hand, if the relation of India and NATO leads to the mediation of NATO and especially the United States in the relation of India and Pakistan, it will not only solve one of the most important historical problems of this geographic region, but will also lead to security and peace in Pakistan, which is directly related to interests and national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Now the political instability in Pakistan and the historical disagreements of India and Pakistan, which have led to armed peace between these two countries, are potential threats to Iran given the nuclear weapons of both countries, and especially the presence of numerous jihadist extremist groups in Pakistan. Finally, the growth of relations between NATO and India will provide an opportunity for India to expand its presence in the Central Asia more than before, because not only NATO and most Western organizations are pushing for promotion of democracy and free market approaches in the Central Asia, and in the meantime the best option is an Eastern democracy and successful economic system like India, but also India’s presence in Central Asia will be a major obstacle to the influence of the China, Japan, Russia and even Iran in this region. The presence of India on behalf of Western countries in Central Asia is not only a serious obstacle to the effective presence of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this region due to differences in political, economic, security and cultural perspectives, but also in practice prevents many geopolitical opportunities of Iran like transit and traffic.
Also, the relations between India and NATO on the level affect the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran; the convergence of the two sides, which began in the fields of economics, military exercises, and logistics, nowadays is expanded to the security, intelligence, military and political dimensions, and the growth of this trend will add new dimensions to this convergence; the above mentioned cooperation continues strenuously. In this regard, Iran’s interests and national security will undoubtedly be endangered by the various dimensions existing at the level of relations between India and NATO. In this context, given the contrast between the interests and goals of Iran and NATO and numerous grounds of convergence between NATO and India, the growth of relations between these two actors will jeopardize the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Obviously, in case of membership of India in NATO or the official joining of this country in one of programs or plans of NATO, the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran will be endangered more than ever, because by these measures not only the territory of NATO formally enters the eastern borders of Iran, but also continuous cooperation of India to NATO as one of the main priorities for NATO membership or one of its plans will impose numerous political, security, economic and ... damages on the country. Moreover, NATO attempts to highlight differentiation points between India and Iran and to introduce Iran as a threatening country for the region and the world. This is a strategy that has been specifically emphasized in some of declarations of NATO.
 
4. Conclusion
Selection of numerous geopolitical strategies, including  globalization and development of neighborhood by India, and geopolitical strategies of presence outside the region and participation with emerging powers by NATO have made these two actors close partners in the second decade of the twenty-first century. The broad change in India’s approaches to foreign policy and new ideas of NATO about strategic concepts have provided the grounds for convergence of NATO and India, and both sides have entered into a new era of strategic relations in the form of convergence and participation. In the present article the authors have tried to examine these relations. It was said that although during the Cold War the immediate impact of the geopolitical factors had made the relations between India and NATO to be divergent, but with change in grand strategy of the two actors after the Cold War, nowadays these geopolitical factors again have caused convergence to be the most important characteristic of the relations between India and NATO. Although India has no relation with NATO in the form of formal membership or formal presence in strategic plans of NATO, but development of cooperation with NATO in the areas of combating terrorism and extremism, security of Afghanistan, security of energy, countering piracy, controlling China, presence in Central Asia and ..., are signs of formalizing this relation in the future. In this regard, the present article has examined the effects of this convergence on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and by introducing the relations of India and NATO in three main areas of the subject, environment and level, has described these areas. It was said that, by focus on the close relations of NATO and India, in addition to the many threats that can be conceived of because of the conflict between discourses of the Islamic Republic of Iran and NATO, the opportunities of this convergence should not be neglected.
At the end, it is suggested that: 1) The authorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran should attach importance to the presence of NATO in all of the maritime and territorial borders of Iran, because this presence undoubtedly undermines the national security of Iran due to the conflict between discourses of NATO and Iran. Also by formal dialogues, scientific conferences and programs, and … the authorities of Iran can use capacities of India and other formal and informal partners of NATO that Iran has a better relationship with them. Instead of the strategies of silence or opposition, In the dialogues and conferences Iranian officials can talk with these countries about expansionist policies of NATO in the Southwest Asia and by using other capacities like Shanghai Cooperation Organization and a centralized and coherent strategic management can compete with NATO; and (2) by using existing opportunities and policies and by extracting and focusing on the needs and commonalities with India in bilateral and regional relations, authorities of Iran can prevent official membership of India in NATO.
 
 
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کلیدواژه‌ها [English]

  • NATO
  • India
  • Geopolitic
  • Convergence
  • Iran

منابع

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7- Bhadrakumar, M. NATO and South Asian security. The Hindu 27 November 2010(a), http:// www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/article915523.ece.

8- Crossman, Ashley, What Is Convergence Theory?, Social Sciences, 10 August 2017, available at https://www.thoughtco.com/convergence-theory-3026158

9- Daalder, I. and Goldgeier, J., Gobal NATO. Foreign Affairs, 85, 2006.

10- Diaz, Tomas & Wiener, Antje (2004), European Integration Theory, Oxford, Oxford University Press

11- Dutt, S., Defence, security, diplomacy: India’s national interests, 24 February 2007, www.associationdiplomats.org/specialevents.

12- Flockhart, T., After the Strategic Concept. Towards a NATO Version 3.0. Copenhagen, Denmark: Danish Institute for International Studies, 2011.

13- Fouret, J., Speech by NATO assistant secretary general for public diplomacy H.E. Mr Jean Fournet, 6 June 2007, http://www.nato.int/docu/speech/2007/s070606a.html.

14- Fruhling, S. and Schreer, B., NATO’s new strategic concept and US commitments in the Asia-Pacific. RUSI Journal 154(5): 98–103, 2009.

15- Fruhling, S. and Schreer, B, Creating the next generation of NATO partnerships. RUSI, Journal 155(1): 52–57, 2011.

- Haas, Ernst B. )2000(

16- Nationalism, Liberalism and Progress. Vol. 2. The Dismal Fate of New Nations. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ. Press.

17- Helbig, Robert, Nato- India: prospects of a Partnership, Nato Defence College Research Division, 2012, Website, www.ndc.nato.int

18- Hyde-Price, Adrian, NATO’s Political Transformation and International Order. Copenhagen: DIIS REPORT, 2011.

19-Jargon Post, NATO woos India, says ties important to ensure global safety and security, 2 September. 25 June 2012.

20- Krieger, H., The Kosovo Conflict and International Law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

21- Kumar, S., Should India join NATO to combat terrorism? Article (ICPS) 2775, 8 January 2009, http://www.ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=2775.

22- MOD, Annual Report 2006–2007, New Delhi, India: Ministry of Defence, 2007.

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democracy promotion, Washington Quarterly 30, (3), 2007.

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PTI, NATO offers missile defence cooperation to India, 29-The Hindu, Retrieved 15 March, 2012.

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31-Rasmussen, A., NATO in the 21st century: Towards global connectivity. 7 February (2010a), http:// www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/opinions_61395.htm.

32-Ringsmose, Jens and Sten Rynning, NATO’s NEW STRATEGIC CONCEPT: a COMPREHENSIVE ASSESSMENT. DIIS REPORT, 2011.

33-Rizzo, A., Speech, conference on ‘NATO-Gulf cooperation in the framework of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative’, 21 January (2007a), http://www.nato.int/cps/en/SID-89829724-16DC5 D94/natolive/opinions_8023.htm.

34-Ruhle, M., NATO after Prague: Learning the lessons of 9/11. Parameters 33(2), 2003.

35-Sanhi, V., Towards a new NATO strategic concept. A view from IndiaPerspective (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung), October 2010.

36-Sethi, M., NATO’s India offer. The Diplomat 15 September 2011, http://the-diplomat.com/ flashpoints-blog/2011/09/15/natos-india-offer/.

37-Scott, D., India’s ‘Extended Neighbourhood’ concept: Power projection for a rising power,India Review, 2009.

38-Scott, David, Nato and India: The Politics of Strategic Convergence, Article in International Politics, January 2012.

39-Sibal, K., Keynote address by foreign secretary, centre for United Nations Peacekeeping, New Delhi: 21 August 2003, http://meaindia.nic.in/mystart.

 php?id=53016797.

40-Solana, J. , Letter dated 30 January 1999 from the Secretary-General of the North AtlanticTreaty Organization addressed to the President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, 1999,  www.un.org/peace/kosovo/s99107.pdf.

41-T.S. Subramanian, India studying NATO offer on joining missile programme, The Hindu. Retrieved 15 March 2012.

42-TOI, India regrets air strikes over Libya. 21 March 2011, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes .com/2011-03-21/india/29171142_1_air-strikes-abjure-violence-libyan-leader.

43-Upadhyay,Akshat, NAM, NaMo- NATO? Indian Foreign Policy in Transition, 2018, https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2018/03/21/nam-namo-nato-indian-foreign-policy-in-transition/.

44-Wagnsson, Charlotte, NATO’s Role in the Strategic Concept Debate: Watchdog, Fire-Fighter, Neighbour or Seminar Leader? Cooperation and Conflict, Available at: http://cac.sagepub.com/content/46/4/482.htm. Accessed on: 2012/04/21.

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