نوع مقاله : مقاله پژوهشی

نویسندگان

1 استادیار گروه تاریخ دانشگاه سیستان و بلوچستان (نویسنده مسئول)

2 دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد علوم سیاسی دانشگاه سیستان و بلوچستان

چکیده

افغانستانِ پسا2001، وارد مرحلۀ جدیدی از تأمین حقوق سیاسی زنان به‌ویژه در بُعد حقوقی شد. قانون اساسی جدید افغانستان که در بیست سال اخیر تدوین‌شده، اساساً حقوق زنان را به‌رسمیت شناخته و در کرامت انسانی و حقوق بشر، برای زنان جایگاه مساوی و برابر با مردان درنظر گرفته شده‌است. قانون اساسی افغانستان حقوق فرهنگی و سایر حقوق زنان را به‌رسمیت شناخته که این حقوق شاملِ حق آزادی بیان با سایر حقوق ملازمۀ آن؛ حق آموزش؛ حق والدین در انتخاب نوع آموزش که به فرزندانشان داده می‌‌شود؛ حق اقلیت‌‌ها برای مورد احترام واقع‌شدن به هویت، زبان، سنت و میراث فرهنگی‌‌شان و حق بهره‌برداری مساوی از میراث مشترک بشریت هستند؛ بنابراین هدف از انجام این تحقیق، بررسی، شناسایی و رتبه‌بندی موانع حضور سیاسی زنان در افغانستانِ پساطالبان است. تحقیق حاضر توصیفی- میدانی است. جامعۀ آماری تحقیق شامل کارشناسان و فعالان سیاسی مرتبط با کنسولگری افغانستان در ایران، به تعداد 109 نفر است که براساس روش نمونه‌گیری تصادفی ساده و جدول مورگان، حجم نمونه 85 نفر برآورد شد. یافته‌های تحقیق نشان می‌دهد که به‌ترتیب، موانع فرهنگی با ضریب 9/6، موانع اجتماعی 1/4، موانع سیاسی 2/3 و درنهایت موانع اقتصادی با ضریب 2/2 بر حضور سیاسی زنان افغان تأثیرگذار هستند. درنتیجه قانون اساسی و سایر قوانین، حقوق فرهنگ و سایر حقوق زنان را پذیرفته‌است؛ اما بسترهای تحقق آن فراهم نشده‌است و موانع و چالش‌های موجود، ریشه در سنت‌ها و فرهنگ سنتی افغانستان دارد که در بسیاری از موارد باعث عدم‌تحقق حقوق فرهنگی زنان شده‌است.

کلیدواژه‌ها

عنوان مقاله [English]

Investigating Political, Social, Economic and Cultural Barriers Affecting the Political Presence of Women in Afghanistan Using Structural Equation Modeling

نویسندگان [English]

  • Ali Basiriniya 1
  • sabereh ghanizada 2

1 Assistant Professor of History Department, Sistan and Baluchestan University (Corresponding Author),

2 Master of Political Science, Sistan and Baluchestan University

چکیده [English]


Extended Abstract
Afghanistan after 2001 is a new stage in securing women's political rights, especially in the legal field. The new constitution of Afghanistan, which has been drafted in the last twenty years, essentially recognizes the rights of women and provides equal and equal status for women in human dignity and human rights. The Afghan constitution recognizes the cultural and other rights of women, including the right to freedom of expression and other related rights, the right to education, the right of parents to choose the kind of education given to their children, and the right of minorities to Respect for their identity, language, tradition and cultural heritage; The right to equal enjoyment of the common heritage of humanity. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine, identify and rank the barriers to women's political presence in post-Taliban Afghanistan. The present study is a descriptive-field study. The statistical population of the study includes 109 experts and political activists related to the Afghan Consulate in Iran. Based on simple random sampling method and Morgan table, the sample size was estimated to be 85 people. Findings show that cultural barriers with a coefficient of 6.9, social barriers with a coefficient of 4.1,


Introduction

About two hundred and fifty years ago, in 1126 A.D. (1747 AD), after the assassination of Nader Shah and the emergence of a power vacuum in the then Iranian empire, Nader Shah's cavalry commander named Ahmad Khan Abdali returned to Kandahar and became the king of Afghanistan. With his invasion of India, Afghanistan gradually gained an independent political identity and power. Spaces of political power often use stereotypes about women's abilities to invoke overt and implicit forms of discrimination, thus silencing them or preventing them from entering politics at all (grabe & dutt, 2020: 329-330). Although there has been tremendous progress in recent decades, there are gender gaps in economic opportunities and political participation in many countries, but some gender differences are greater in developing countries (Milazzo & Goldstein, 2020: 34-35) and limitations for They bring with them the life and advancement of women. Although Afghanistan is a country with a long history, it does not have a long history of political independence. With the independence of this country, a new political system was formed that can discuss the issue of political participation within its territorial geography. In Afghanistan, due to the new situation and in order to try to resolve the crises that have plagued the country in recent decades, women's issues have also become particularly important. The Taliban's harsh and inhumane policies towards women have created a very exhausting period for women (Maghsoudi and Ghalehdar, 1390: 180). On the other hand, the Taliban have rapidly taken control of 90% of Afghanistan (Shafi'i and Eidozaei, 2013: 92). As a result, women's activities were restricted and confined to the walls of the house. Women suffered a lot during this period and their migration process increased sharply. This study seeks to answer four questions: 1- Political barriers 2- Social barriers 3- Economic barriers and 4- Cultural barriers What are the political presence and participation of Afghan women? Based on this, the research hypotheses are: 1- Political barriers 2- Social barriers 3- Economic barriers and 4- Cultural barriers affect the political presence and participation of Afghan women.

Research method

The present study is applied research that has been done by collecting data in this research using descriptive survey methods. This study examines four basic components of barriers to women's political presence. This study examines the economic barriers to women's political presence in Afghanistan in four dimensions affecting the political presence of women in Afghanistan. Structural equation modeling was used to analyze the data. In this method, factor load method was used to evaluate the validity of the structure. In performing factor analysis, it must first be ensured that the available data can be used for analysis. For this purpose, KMO index and Bartlett test are used. The KMO index is an indicator of sampling adequacy. This index is in the range of zero one. If the index value is close to one, the data are suitable for factor analysis, otherwise (usually less than 0.5) the results of factor analysis are not very suitable for the data. The Bartlett test can also determine when the influence matrix is known and therefore suitable for identifying the structure (factor model); Because the assumption that the matrix was known to be effective is rejected. Convergence (validity) in the PLS model is analyzed by the mean mean variance of the extracted AVE. To determine the causal relationship between independent and dependent variables, the path analysis method is used. To estimate each of the identified paths, standardized coefficients are used. Regression (path coefficient) is calculated. The path coefficient indicates how much the standard deviation of the dependent variable changes per unit change in the standard deviation of the independent variable.

Discussion

One of the obstacles to women's active participation in politics is the economic and social factor. The role of mother and wife, which is a sensitive and uninterrupted role, is devoted to the woman and does not give her the opportunity to study and gain political awareness. Unlike men, women do not have enough political experience. Many men have useful political experience because of the way they work and work in society; This causes women to lose the chance to work outside the home and deprive them of access to financial resources. It would not be possible to work in politics without adequate financial resources. Women who are dependent on funding from men in their families are less likely to be economically and financially independent and, as they wish, can not participate freely in the political structure of society, relying on their own financial means. This in itself has been an obstacle to their political participation in society. In Afghanistan, due to the new situation and in order to try to solve the crises that have plagued the country in recent decades, women's issues have also become particularly important. Unlike men, women do not have enough political experience.

Result

According to the first and second hypotheses, based on the positive and significant effect of political barriers on the political absence of women and the second hypothesis, the positive and significant effect of economic barriers on the political absence of women is defined. They have a positive effect. As Table (6) shows, the path coefficient for the first hypothesis is 0.373 and the value of t-statistic is equal to 3.2 and for the second hypothesis, the path coefficient is 0.235 and the value of t-statistic is equal to 2.223. These values are higher than 1.96, so it can be said that political and economic barriers have a positive effect on the political absence of women in Afghanistan. According to the third hypothesis, cultural barriers have a significant impact on the political absence of women in Afghanistan. However, according to the research findings, the path coefficient between the two structures is equal to 0.587 and the value of t-statistic is equal to 6.995 and is greater than 1.96. As a result, it is found that cultural barriers have a significant impact on the political absence of women in Afghanistan. The fourth hypothesis of social barriers has a significant effect on the political absence of women in Afghanistan. Therefore, it can be said that social barriers have a significant impact on the political absence of women in Afghanistan and this hypothesis is confirmed.

References


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کلیدواژه‌ها [English]

  • Political Presence
  • Political Barriers
  • Cultural Barriers
  • Economic Barriers
  • Social Barriers
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