عنوان مقاله [English]
By 1947, Iran and India were two neighbor countries that replaced India with the many problems due to the division of the Mediterranean pseudonym. After birth, the domestic and foreign issues of India and Pakistan are closely interconnected for this reason, recognizing Pakistani foreign policy is not possible without a deep understanding of the complex South-South political-security environment, especially in adapting to India and Afghanistan. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the challenges facing Iran-Pakistan convergence with India. The findings of the survey show that, although Iran and Pakistan have a convergence field, this has not been realized to the present. Conversely, India's relations with Iran are divergent which can arise in many areas. It is worth noting that the authors' goal is not to suggest that India should be replaced and preferred by Pakistan, and vice versa, in Iran's foreign relations ships. On the one hand, Iran, due to its proximity to Pakistan, does not have long borders with this country, and long-standing cultural and historical pockets of anti-Pakistan, India, and US do not want Pakistan to be a reliable friend, with India, at the some point. From regional and global issues, such as Pakistan's role in Afghanistan's security, which support the Taliban and other terrorist groups? Apart from the security relations (Afghanistan, the fight against terrorism, etc.), Iran-India relations in the economic fields (Chabahar port, energy exports, transport development, etc.) are also wider than relations with Pakistan. It seems that Iran, on the basis of the balance of interests, is struggling to balance its relations with both India and Pakistan, but in general, turning to the abovementioned and, consequently , the superiority of India (the regional and global geopolitical position of the country, having Economic, technological, political, etc. leverage, ) versus Pakistan; Iran's relations with India are deepe and wide .
In summary, the research goal is to answer three main questions;
- In brief, Can the relations between Iran and Pakistan be converging?
In terms of feasibility, what challenges do Iran-Pakistan relations face with?
- Can India, in principle, be considered as a rival or alternative to Pakistan's foreign policy?
2- Research and Methodology
This research is a descriptive-analytic method which based on qualitative method. Data collection of the research including resources, including books, valid articles, speeches of experts
The analysis of Iran-Pakistan political-security relations seem difficult, regardless of the political arrangement of South Asia and the it's ruling. The political conditions of South Asia are contradictory to the order and disorder that its main actors are the triangle of India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. It is not possible to investigate Iran's relations with any other country such as Pakistan, regarding their historical conflicts and traditional rivalries. Meanwhile, Afghanistan is a control variable between the three countries such as Iran, India and Pakistan. In the sense of Afghanistan's political the interests of Iran and India are in complete conflict with Pakistan. Meanwhile, Pakistan sees Afghanistan as its strategic sanctuary, which is pernicious and sensitive to the influence of any country, especially if it is India. While Afghanistan's stance towards India has caused a mess in the South Asian political order Nevertheless, Iran and India are among the biggest supporters of security in Afghanistan. The next important variable is the feasibility of Pakistan's economic convergence with Iran in comparison and alignment with India. Evidence suggests that Iran-Pakistan economic relations are of little use. However, Iran-India economic relations are widespread in many areas. In the energy debate, there was a point of reference and alignment of the three peace pipelines, which was also stagnant by Pakistan, while India, Oman and Iran are agreeing on the largest submarine pipeline in the world with a length of 1,400 km. India's large-scale investment in Chabahar's development will also have largely result in the alignment of the political, economic and security interests of Iran and India. In competition with Chabahar port, Pakistsn have developed a Gwadar port by the help of China (the regional and global rival of India). Entry into Afghanistan (with political objectives) Entry into Central Asia (for security-economic purposes) and entry into the Caspian states (with strategic objectives) are the benefits of Chabahar for India, which is in line with Iran.
If we want to summarize the answers to the questions raised in the research, Iran and Pakistan have a potential for convergence in a variety of political, cultural, economic and security fields. Membership in the ECO Economic Organization, of Islamic Cooperation in the Shanghai Economic, Security and Political Organization are part of the common assets of the two countries in order to achieve convergence. Of course, until full convergence and a real regionalization between Pakistan, Iran, Afghanistan and India remain a long way, but not far-reaching. As mentioned before Pakistan is a heritage of a colonial country that has been challenging its neighbors since its birth, roughly seven decades from its life. With all of this, the boundaries of Iran and Pakistan have always been the frontier of friendship. In a brief comparison, India is currently ranked as one of Iran's most important economic partners (fifth partner) and one of Iran's largest energy customers. India is also now the main option for developing Bandar Chabahar (valued at $ 500 million). The entry of India to Iran has many positive consequences (political, security, economic, etc.) for both Iran and India; of course but this issue should not be caused particular sensitivities for Pakistan from Iran. As mentioned previously India and Pakistan culturally and civilizational has a lot of common with Iran and are among the most important and trusted countries in Iran's foreign policy; hence, one is preferred to one another far from the logic of governance.
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